I support the efforts of the antiwar movement to end the Bush administration’s policies of illegal war and occupation. I support our right to engage in nonviolent dissent free of government surveillance and interference.

I call on you to take immediate action to stop the FBI and local police from spying on the anti-war movement and to begin an investigation into these spying activities.

On November 23, the New York Times disclosed a confidential FBI memorandum detailing FBI efforts to engage in coordinated, nationwide surveillance of United for Peace and Justice and other organizations in the peace movement.

In the memo the FBI admits they possess “no information that violent or terrorist activities are being planned as part of these protests.” Nonetheless, the memo calls upon local police to report on antiwar activities to the FBI’s counter terrorism squads. In chilling detail, the FBI provides information on the training, organization, fund raising and other common tactics and activities of political activists protected by the first amendment.

Government surveillance of the anti-war movement weakens key freedoms and treat the rights of political opponents of the Bush administration with contempt in the name of ‘fighting terrorism.”

The legitimate, nonviolent dissent of the peace and justice movement is one thing, and the illegal, despicable acts of those brought down the World Trade Center are another, yet the FBI deliberately confuses the two in an attempt to criminalize and intimidate all those who question Bush’s permanent war policies into silence.
It is hypocritical to see the Bush administration claim that it is fighting for freedom in Iraq while undermining those freedoms at home. This surveillance represents a gross violation of our Constitutional rights to free speech and assembly and a return to a shameful history of domestic political surveillance.

I will not be intimidated or silenced by the FBI and the Bush administration. I am proud to participate in nonviolent political dissent, like the Global Day of Action Against War and Occupation on March 20, and I will continue to work for peace and justice.

The Undergraduate Degree

The Bachelor of Science in Criminal Justice, which includes both classroom and field experience, prepares graduates for entry level positions in law enforcement, the courts, corrections and juvenile justice system. For individuals already employed in the field, the degree is a good vehicle for career advancement.

The Master’s Degree
The Master’s Degree program within the Division of Criminal Science is tailored to meet the specific career objectives of its candidates: An individual curriculum is structured to meet four objectives:

* Providing a student with the conceptual and research skills needed to undertake advanced analysis of the criminal justice system.

* Furnish law enforcement, corrections and court practitioners with knowledge of justice administration, social science perspectives of human behavior, policy analysis and criminal justice theory.

* Train those who will become leaders in the criminal justice system by providing the skills needed to upgrade levels of professional practice, improve supervisory standards, initiate fresh perspectives and act as agents of social change.

* Prepare social scientists to pursue careers in university and research settings.

The program graduated its first student in 1978. Since then, over 300 students have received master’s degrees in Criminal Justice. The master’s program is designed to be completed in one year-four quarters-of full-time study.

The Doctor of Philosophy Degree
The program was approved in 1992, and it is much in demand. Research indicates that, each year, there are between three and four times as many academic positions offered as there are candidates to fill them. In addition, private “think tanks”, as well as Federal, State and local criminal justice agencies are offering research positions to individuals with a Ph.D. in Criminal Justice. This demand is expected to increase as the discipline continues to develop and grow.

In addition, the faculty have published research articles in the discipline’s leading national and international journals. A sample of such scholarly publications include: “Excessive Force: A Comparative Study of Police in the Caribbean,” Justice Quarterly (Richard Bennett, 1997); “‘Sowing Useful Truths and Principles’: The Danbury Baptists, Thomas Jefferson, and ‘The Wall of Separation’,” Journal of Church and State (Daniel Dreisbach, 1997); “Pluralism, Integrity, and the Interpretive Theory of Law,” Philosophy in the Contemporary World (Deirdre Go lash, 1994); “The Decomposition and Graphical Analysis of Crime and Sanctions Data:

A Cross-National Application,” Journal of Quantitative Criminology (Brian Forts and James Lynch, 1997); “Status Inequality and Property Crime:The Effects of Design, Scope and Specification,” International Criminal Justice Review (James Lynch and Richard Bennett, 1997); “Stealing the Russian State,” Demokratizatsiya (Louise Shelley, 1997); and “The Criminal Justice System: Facing the Challenge of Organized Crime: The U.S. Legislative Response,” Wayne State Law Review (Emilio Viano, 1997).

Working in conjunction with the academic faculty is the department’s Justice Programs Office. This research unit receives multi-million dollar funding from such governmental organizations as the Bureau of Justice Assistance, State Justice Institute, privately funded foundations, and direct contracts with state, local, and foreign governments for justice reform projects. They are currently doing extensive research and technology transfer in the area of drug courts, and management orientated technical assistance for justice agencies at the state and local levels.

In addition to our Justice Programs Office, the department supports the Center for the Study of Transnational Crime and Corruption, directed by DJLS faculty member, Louise Shelley. The Center conducts research, operates six organized crime study centers in Russia and Ukraine, and forms partnerships with other institutions and organizations to develop strategies to fight organized crime and corruption. The Center is fast emerging as the leader in this area both in the United States and throughout the world.

The Department of Justice, Law and Society is dedicated to providing its doctoral students with a comprehensive interdisciplinary understanding of law and the institutions of justice, both in the United States and around the world. The program trains its students to be critical thinkers and accomplished researchers who will make important contributions to the field in their teaching and research careers. The Department’s faculty is eager to welcome students into their academic community as future colleagues in the practice of scientific inquiry and scholarly research..

Students interested in obtaining a justice, law and society degree from the School of Public Affairs take the Justice, Law and Society Field, as well as two other fields selected from American Politics; Comparative Politics; Public Administration; Policy Analysis; or a field from a school outside of SPA, subject to the approval of the Director of Doctoral Programs.

According to this model, free will is assumed, but there are certain background and situational factors that might predispose someone toward crime. Background factors would include psychological characteristics, like how intelligent the person is; social factors like family background; and demographic factors, like what kind of neighborhood the criminal comes from. Situational factors would include persuasion by friends, arguments with spouse, or whether the person has consumed alcohol or drugs, along with a whole host of other possible situational, or urge-inducing, factors.

Motive is listed as need for money or status, but in this classical view of crime, there is really no need to think about motive. All that is required are some generalized needs: the desire to get ahead, to show off, excitement, etc.

Previous learning and experience refers to direct or vicarious experience with crime. The offender would be comparing the target to others he has been successful with in the past, or if he is new at it, he would be comparing the target with what others have been successful with in the past. This factor also refers to the criminal’s self-perception of his/her own skills, ability to elude law enforcement, and get rid of the stuff after wards.

Blocked opportunities is a concept from strain theory and would probably not be used by a rational choice theorist, but it is the criminal’s assessment of what legitimate avenues are available for satisfying needs. The decision to be made is whether the same amount of money, for example, can be made by work, gambling, borrowing, or avenues other than crime. The amount of effort required fits into this as the amount of time spent considering and evaluating whether the rewards (and costs) of crime outweigh alternative avenues for satisfying the same needs.

Readiness to commit crime is best understood as the offender “psyching” up. Again, strain theory offers a good perspective on this as withdrawal of legitimacy or belief in an unjust world, but “neutralization” captures the essence of the idea. The offender engages in self-talk, maximizing the belief that he deserves to rob the house (”That house and everything in it is mine”), and minimizing the belief that others deserve to have stuff (”Those people don’t deserve to have all those things”).

The rational choice model of crime represents one of the most elegant and sophisticated contributions to criminology. It is capable of incorporating concepts from deterministic theories, and should be interpreted as implying “limited” or “bounded” rationality rather than the “pure” rationality implicit in simpler free will models.

PSYCHOLOGICAL THEORY: Prediction, prevention, and therapeutic intervention. Intervention therapies to include psychoanalysis, group therapy, counseling, family therapy, drug treatment, and reconditioning. Psychoanalysis involves correcting childhood problems. Counseling involves re socializing and uncovering new behavioral options. Drug treatment is recommended for those with certain traits. Cognitive therapy involves learning new ways to think. Tendency to do better with sexual and violent crimes, but ignores situational factors and has some untestable assumptions.

DISORGANIZATION-ECOLOGICAL THEORY: Acculturation and assimilation along with community empowerment. Acculturation and assimilation to include helping immigrants and isolated subcultures feel like part of mainstream society. Sometimes requires moving people to new parts of town and urban renewal. Community empowerment to include strengthening grass-roots organizations, and integrating networks with wider political, social, and economic resources. Tendency to have social engineering and ethnocentric implications, and fails to explain insulation of some people from inner-city influences.

ANOMIE-STRAIN THEORY: Social change and equal opportunity. Some rehabilitation emphasis through coping with stress programs. Social change involves reorganizing socioeconomic roles available in society; bringing salaries in line with contribution to society, so that professional athletes don’t make more than teachers, for example, and eliminate greed, jealousy, and excessive economic aspiration. Equal opportunity to include focus on entitlements of legitimate options through better educational system, improved management practices in workplace, creation of fulfilling jobs, welfare floors, War on Poverty, Head Start programs, and better aptitude-career planning. Tendency to be too much of a full plate for practical use, but has had some success when implemented in piecemeal fashion.

LEARNING THEORY: Rehabilitation through reeducation and reconciliation. Segregate offenders and keep suggestible people away from bad influences. Resocialize through parental skills and peer evaluation training. Reeducate by replacing excuses and justifications for crime with reasons for following the law. Tendency to have better success at behavioral change, not cognitive change, but does not explain solitary offending nor middle-class deviation.

CONTROL THEORY: Prevention and rehabilitation through increased bonding. Bonding to include inculcating a desire not to hurt parents, teachers, friends, employers, police, and religious figures, establishing trust relationships, developing prospects for the future, and believing in the basic institutions of society. Tendency to have highest level of success of all criminological theories, especially when combined with work-retraining schemes, but difficult to put into practice when dealing with diverse ethnic and social class differences.

LABELING THEORY: Prevention through limiting social shaming reaction in others and replacing moral indignation with tolerance. Some rehabilitation emphasis in helping offenders be rehabilitated from the label. Prevention to include alternatives to prison programs involving diversion, client empowerment schemes, mediation and conciliation, victim-offender forgiveness ceremonies, restitution, and reparation. Tendency to have impractical policy implications, and doesn’t explain explain serious offending well.

RADICAL-CONFLICT THEORY: Social change and redistribution of wealth. Some rehabilitation emphasis in empowering employees to see exploitation inherent in capitalist system. Social change to include decriminalization of consensual crimes and drug offenses, dismantling of bourgeois therapies, institutions, and Police State. Redistribution of wealth through employee ownership of corporations. Eventual move toward strict equality and socialist or communist society. Tendency to be trivialized as Marxist ideology, and does not explain high crime rates in more socialist countries.

FEMINIST THEORY: Social change and elimination of power. In general, seeks to replace gender-based power structures; i.e., patriarchy, with matriarchy, which focuses upon women’s principles of care, nurturance, connectivity, community, and ethics. Elimination of power involves decentralized socialism providing equal access to the process of decision making. Tendency to ignore women as offender as well as unique qualities of persons of color, and retreats into diversity issue subsuming all differences as examples of women struggling to define themselves.

MIDDLE-CLASS THEORY: No strong policy implications, but implies reorganization of youthful outlets for fun and play so that “harmless” activities are taken more seriously, or that economic affluence should be regulated in some way.

INTEGRATED THEORY: No strong policy implications. It depends on which specific theories are integrated. Implications usually involve some aspect of each specific theory.

The next step for the student is to assign a number to every element, in this case student, on the population list. After all individuals are numbered, they can begin their sample selection by entering a random numbers table at any place to make the first selection.

By definition, it does not matter where they enter the table since it is a random numbers table; there is no inherent order to the numbers. After they have entered the table, however, they should systematically move within the table, selecting elements that correspond to the random number selected. They should continue this selection process until the entire sample of 60 students has been obtained.

Using these random sampling techniques, every element in the population, that is, every student in the sophomore class, has an equal and known probability of being selected for the sample. By selecting a sample in this way, the student has maximized the probability that their sample of 60 sophomores will be representative of the entire population of sophomores at their university.

In systematic sampling, the student begins with a random starting point but systematically select elements thereafter. The general rule for systematic sampling is to begin with the kith (any number selected randomly) element in the population, and select every kith element thereafter. The kith element is the only element which is truly selected at random; it can be selected from a random numbers table or by some other random method.

Systematic sampling eliminates the process of deriving a new random number for every element selected. For example, if a student selected the number 7 to begin systematic sampling from the list of sophomores, the first student selected would be number 7. They would continue to select every 7th student thereafter until they had the entire sample of 60 students selected.

When lists of a population are not complete, or more often, not available, we must utilize other sampling techniques. In such cases, the sampling procedures become a little more complex. We usually end up working toward the sample we want through successive approximations; first by extracting a sample from lists of groups or clusters that are available, and then sampling the elements of interest from these selected clusters. Sampling procedures of this nature are typically called Multistage Cluster Sampling.

One of the primary problems we face when generalizing information obtained from a sample to a population is uncertainty. How accurately does our sample reflect the true population? This uncertainty is inherent in any sample because by definition, we only have a part of the population. The goal when obtaining a sample, then, is to select elements from the population in a way that increases the chances of this sample being representative.

Probability sampling techniques increase the likelihood of accomplishing this goal. The fundamental element in probability sampling is random selection. When a sample is randomly selected from the population, this means every element (e.g. individual) has an equal and independent chance of being selected for the sample.

When a sample is randomly selected from the population, it means every element (e.g. individual) has a known and independent chance of being selected for the sample. The notion of randomness implies “no bias” within the selection process. Weighted or Quota sampling techniques.

Unlike probability samples, when collecting a sample using no probability sampling techniques, elements within the population do not have a known probability of being selected. Because the chance of one individual being selected versus another remains unknown, we cannot be certain the selected sample actually represents our population. Since we are generally interested in making inferences to a population, this uncertainty can represent a major problem.

No probability sampling techniques are often the only way of obtaining samples from particular populations or for certain types of research questions. The example used in the chapter of shoplifters is one example. It would be hard to technically define a population of shoplifters since we don’t have a list of shoplifters to randomly select from. In other cases, we may want to over-sample certain subsets of the population. No probability sampling techniques allows us the flexibility to obtain samples for these types of research problems.

The Institute of Medicine interpolated the NHIS data to indicate that 38 percent of disabilities were associated with mobility limitations, followed by chronic disease (32 percent); sensory limitations (8 percent); intellectual limitations (7 percent); and all other conditions (15 percent) (Pope & Tarlov, 1991). The SIPP identified 48.9 million persons who reported themselves as limited in performing functional activities or in fulfilling a socially defined role or task. Of these, 24.

One million persons were identified as having a “severe disability” (Kraus, Stoddard, & Gilmartin, 1996). Both surveys excluded persons in nursing homes or institutions, who would be expected to have a high rate of disability. Including that population through extrapolation has led to the commonly cited figures of 43 to 48 million Americans with disabilities.

Both the NHIS and SIPP focus on limitations in major life activities, due to a physical or mental condition, but also provide data on persons who are limited in or unable to perform activities of daily living (ADLs)–such as eating, bathing, dressing, toileting, or transferring–without assistance or devices, or to perform instrumental activities of daily living (IADLs)–such as basic home care, shopping, meal preparation, telephoning, and managing money.

Approximately 8 million people reported difficulty with ADLs, and approximately 4 million with one or more ADLs needed the assistance of another person (McNeil, 1993).The range of these estimates–from approximately 4 million people who need help simply to sustain their lives to the 40 million who report any kind of activity limitation–illustrates the danger in discussing the disabled population as a homogeneous group.

More refined data are needed to assess the needs for medical and health care, vocational rehabilitation and employment assistance, supports for living in the community, and assistive technology.

The “Nagi model” (Nagi, 1991), which was presented by the Institute of Medicine (IOM) in its 1991 Disability in America report (Pope & Tarlov, 1991). The model was revised in the 1997 report entitled Enabling America (Brandt & Pope, 1997).

The IOM (1997) also posits that disability is a function of the interaction of individuals with the social and physical environments. The revised Nagi model describes the environment as including the natural environment, the built environment, culture, the economic system, the political system, and psychological factors.

The new model includes a state of “no disabling condition.” The state of disability is not included in this model because disability is not viewed as inherent in the person, but rather as a function of the interaction of the individual and the environment; and

The schematic adopted by the National Center for Medical Rehabilitation Research (NCMRR) in its Research Plan (National Institute of Child Health and Human Development, 1993, p. 33), which added the concept of societal limitation.

Yolanda Raulet, 33, a resident of Bon Encounter filed a complaint “against the Ministry of Education and representatives, under the non-schooling of their children” suffering from a “panhypopituitarism “causing a disability, including mild mental retardation.

The mother had received in July, a decision of the Committee on Disability of the Lot-et-Garonne giving his son a AVS continuously on school time in the kindergarten Bon Encounter, she says in her complaint that AFP has obtained a copy.” At the beginning, there was no AVS to look after my child. The school principal refused to take charge.

“Today, I lodged a complaint to make things happen because I am not alone in this case, in fact I am part of a group of parents who came to be,” said Ms. Raulet, which states simply wishing that “the law is applied”. The law of February 2005 forced the National Education for disabled children in the school district according to their needs.

According to Sandrine Tastayre, joint secretary of the county’s largest union of teaching elementary, SNUipp-FSU, there is in the Lot-et-Garonne “thirty children who should benefit from AVS that are found no one to s’ take care of them while a score of others, we found a temporary solution support.

She believes that “in total today, it lacks a fifty AVS to care for children with disabilities have the right to be educated. of the 5,000 careers school staff to accompany children with disabilities in classes whose contract expired in September, only 500 have returned to a position this season.

If indeed the State Council has recently concluded legislative provisions applicable to this obligation of result (Right to education of disabled children: effectiveness of a social right in its perfection and its justifiability . This does not mean an offense that would be criminally punishable. While a school may be refused discrimination because of disability and one would think it is an offense punishable by Articles 225-1 et seq Penal Code.

If committed by a person holding public authority or a public service remit in the course of or in connection with the performance of his duties or mission and that it is to refuse to grant a right granted by law, it is punishable by five years imprisonment and a fine of 75,000 euros (Article 432-7).Thus, the refusal to register a mayor of foreign children in kindergarten between the scope of Article 432 to 7.1 ° (CA Paris, 12 March 1992 Bernard v. City of Montfermeil see Videos INA )

Just recently, under the liability, the mayor Tom Blaine (Meurthe-et-Moselle), Herve Feron, was sentenced by the Criminal Court of Nancy 500 euros in damages to each family and EUR 250 per child discriminated against for refusing to enroll the children of the travel community.

The criminal sentencing would, however, was adjourned to October 9, 2009 because according to the lawyer questioned by the APF, “thee Mayor is committed to educate their children in the next school year in September”And”judges clearly preferred to wait before sentencing, or impose a penalty waiver” (”A mayor sentenced for discrimination.

In parallel, a procedure was initiated by families of children before the Administrative Tribunal of Nancy. Recall that the elected Socialist refused to include in the common schools of his brother and sister in September 2008, then another little boy last February on the grounds it occupies an area unprepared they were not residents in municipality. In a recommendation of June 8, 2009, the Halde had put these discriminatory and recommended denial “The immediate enrollment of children involved“.

The complaint of the mother Will it lead? Not because the state is not criminally responsible of possible offenses committed on its behalf by its agents or representatives, under Article 121-2 of the Penal Code. The complaint against “Ministry of National Education ” has no chance of success. It ought to be directed against the person who is due the refusal of schooling.

According to the testimony of the mother: At the beginning, there was no AVS to look after my child. The school principal refused to take charge. But the decision is likely related to a decision - or lack of decision - the President or the Inspector of Schools who, knowingly, did not affect the AVS in this class even though the Committee on Disability of the Lot-et-Garonne gave a favorable decision in July.

It must nevertheless take into account that the compulsory education law that applies only for children 6-16 years. But that still does not require authorities to refuse enrollment in kindergarten for a child under 3 years in a discriminatory manner because of disability. This has already been tried by tribunals or considered by the Halde case of refusal to enroll the children of undocumented migrants or travelers.

So, is considered contrary to the principle of equality refused registration to public school children of foreigners, even if their parents are illegal immigrants (TA Bordeaux, July 1st.In its recommendations the Halde recalled that the right to education is a fundamental right on which the municipality has no discretion and was taken to court in support of the applicants.

In an identical situation, the Administrative Court ordered the mayor Montpellier enrolling children by order of September 25, 2006. The mayor had appealed to the State Council of an appeal against the injunction, which appeal was dismissed. At the hearing on the merits, the mayor no longer contested its obligation to educate their children what the court has noted (TA Montpellier November 5, 2008).

But in criminal law It is always difficult to attribute the decision to a specific agent discriminatory through the exercise of their duties - especially when linked to a lack of resources deployed by the state - and to demonstrate that discrimination was intentional.